Kenneth Rogoff
Project Syndicate
MEXICO CITY – For a glimpse of the average American’s understanding of the relationship between the United States and Mexico, one only has to watch the critically acclaimed television series Breaking Bad. Set in Albuquerque, New Mexico, a few hundred miles from the border, the series chronicles the rise and fall of Walter White, a high school chemistry teacher who becomes a methamphetamine tycoon.

Most
of the characters on the US side of the border are portrayed with
sympathy and depth. The main protagonist’s step-by-step descent into the
drug underworld unfolds with such subtlety that each individual
decision he makes along the way seems almost reasonable.
Unfortunately,
the other side of the border receives more superficial treatment. In
one scene, two Mexican hit men ruthlessly slaughter a dozen innocent
compatriots who could bear witness to their border crossing. In another
episode, members of the Mexican Federal Police are seen assaulting a
drug lord in his hacienda, with the implication that they are only doing
the bidding of a rival dealer.
“Breaking
Bad” is brilliant television, but it is regrettable that so many
Americans see only this side of things. Mexico has profound security
problems in some regions, but it is also a country that just might be on
the threshold of a huge political and economic transformation. Indeed,
for a couple of years now, Mexico’s GDP growth rates have been near the
top of the OECD, and recently above Brazil’s.
Rather
than continue fighting (as in the US) after a heated presidential
election, Mexico’s major political parties appear poised to cooperate on
a number of critical structural reforms that could energize economic
growth for decades to come. The agenda includes an expansion of the tax
base to reduce dependency on oil, an initiative to increase competition
in media and telecommunications, and a constitutional change that will
permit the state-owned oil company Pemex to enter into joint ventures
with foreign firms.
This
last reform is critical, because much of Mexico’s geology is very
similar to that of the southwestern US. In principle, Mexico’s economy
should be benefiting from the same shale-gas revolution that is
providing a huge boost to the US, where natural-gas prices are now less
than one-quarter of what Europeans pay.
Mexico
is already enjoying a manufacturing boom that has increased its exports
to the US, following a long secular decline. With China’s wages soaring
and rising oil prices driving up shipping costs, production in Mexico
is suddenly looking much more attractive, even taking security concerns
into account.
Of
course, any number of things can go wrong. First and foremost, the
political elite might suddenly back away from essential structural
reforms, and the Mexican business community’s current optimism could
collapse. It wouldn’t be the first time.
There
is also a risk that foreign investors, who already are starting to like
Mexico, might come to love it a little too much. A huge influx of
capital could lead to a significant appreciation of the peso’s exchange
rate, causing an increase in Mexico’s currently very attractive labor
costs. Or the US could slip into recession (though modest growth is
certainly the central scenario nowadays).
Then
there is the matter of security, which constitutes a huge tax on
business in many parts of Mexico. For example, one important achievement
of former President Felipe Calderón’s administration was to push
through a 140-mile highway connecting the interior city of Durango and
the Pacific port at Mazatlán. Traversing extremely rough terrain with
200 tunnels and bridges, it promises to cut the transit time by three or
four hours. Except for the weather, the highway has the feel of
Switzerland.
But
the new road has raised concerns, particularly in the US, that it could
serve as a smuggling route for drugs and weapons, so the military feels
obliged to set up checkpoints. Unfortunately, early anecdotal evidence
suggests that these safeguards may ultimately slow down traffic by
roughly the same amount of time that the project was meant to speed it
up!
Mexican
leaders acknowledge the country’s internal problems, but place three of
them at America’s doorstep. First and foremost, the US generates the
huge demand for illicit drugs that sustains the entire Latin American
mafia, just as the US experiment with alcohol prohibition in the 1920’s
fueled the rise of gangsters like Al Capone. No one knows precisely the
Mexican drug cartels’ annual profits, but they certainly amount to
billions of dollars.
Second,
the US, with its incredibly lax restrictions on gun purchases, serves
as a veritable arms depot for rich Mexican drug lords. True, they could
arguably acquire similar weapons elsewhere, but not necessarily as
cheaply and conveniently.
Finally,
the US could do more to curtail money laundering. One simple step would
be to restrict the circulation of $100 bills, which are mostly used in
the underground economy.
Many
of the problems that characterize the complex US-Mexican relationship
will be ameliorated if Mexico can sustain rapid economic growth. Net
immigration to the US, which has already tapered off, might reverse. The
US stands to benefit as much as Mexico if conditions south of the
border begin breaking good.
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